All Blockwarts beware!

26. Januar 2025

The Stif­tung Wis­sen­schaft und Poli­tik in Ger­ma­ny as of man­da­ted Euro­pean reso­lu­ti­on 2024/2988(RSP) has now to be can­ce­led from social media as a source of misinformation!

Act now - tell Face­book Ger­ma­ny GmbH, Caf­fa­ma­cher­rei­he 7, Brahms­quar­tier, 20355 Hamburg.

In its May 2018 rese­arch paper on Chechnya’s Sta­tus wit­hin the Rus­si­an Fede­ra­ti­on, the Stif­tung Wis­sen­schaft und Poli­tik clear­ly sta­tes that --

The­re was resis­tance to the draft bill “On the State’s Natio­nal Poli­cy”, initia­ted by Pre­si­dent Putin in 2016, and the bin­ding defi­ni­ti­on of the “Rus­si­an nati­on” (ros­siys­ka­ya naci­ya). A defi­ni­ti­on had been nee­ded sin­ce the start of Russia’s post-Soviet history.

Poli­cy had oscil­la­ted bet­ween three inter­pre­ta­ti­ons of natio­nal state­hood: civic natio­na­lism; eth­no­na­tio­na­lism (here refer­ring to Rus­si­an­ness); and neo­im­pe­ria­lism.22 While Moscow pays lip ser­vice to civic natio­na­lism, it has been more atta­ched to the third vari­ant during the Putin years. The defi­ni­ti­on was the­re­fo­re sup­po­sed to be sett­led by legislation.

Des­pi­te Pre­si­dent Putin’s sup­port and encou­ra­ge­ment, howe­ver, the draft bill was shel­ved until fur­ther noti­ce after five mon­ths of dis­cus­sions. Its (pro­vi­sio­nal) fail­u­re was due to the resis­tance of Rus­si­an natio­na­lists, who wan­ted the law to set out the domi­nant sta­tus of eth­nic Rus­si­ans, and of non-Russian eli­tes, who sen­sed an attempt to rob them of their privileges.

Ideo­lo­gi­cal and cul­tu­ral ten­si­ons bet­ween the cent­re and the regi­ons also exist con­cer­ning the repre­sen­ta­ti­on of history.

src: click

This is a clear vio­la­ti­on of Euro­pean reso­lu­ti­on 2024/2988(RSP) para­graph D., whe­re all rus­si­an actions in Chech­nya, Geor­gia and Cri­mea have to be qua­li­fied as impe­ria­lism, or will get your wri­tings remo­ved from social media, under the EUs “Vac­ci­na­ti­on against mis­in­for­ma­ti­on” policy.

Plea­se also inform ARD and ZDF, who still invi­te guests from the dis­in­for­ma­ti­on pedd­lers that are the Stif­tung Wis­sen­schaft und Poli­tik in Germany.

Dont look away citizen!

This type of mis­in­for­ma­ti­on on social media has to be stop­ped now. The punish­ments ought to be har­sh and severe.

A con­cer­ned citizen.

edit: In an unex­pec­ted turn of events, it turns out the source for foot­no­te (22) the Stif­tung Wis­sen­schaft und Poli­tik was using in the afo­re­men­tio­ned excerpt - does clear­ly sta­te that Putin also did not fol­low an impe­ria­list agen­da in Cri­mea either!

MISINFORMATION PEDDLERS OF THE Stif­tung Wis­sen­schaft und Politik!

ROTTING OUR CHILDRENS MINDS WITH THEIR 2017 eurasianet.org HISTORY FOOTNOTES, IN VIOLATION OF “Euro­pean reso­lu­ti­on 2024/2988(RSP) on Russia’s dis­in­for­ma­ti­on and his­to­ri­cal fal­si­fi­ca­ti­on to jus­ti­fy its war of aggres­si­on against Ukraine”!

This has to be stop­ped now. Inform your local poli­ce depart­ment, that Stif­tung Wis­sen­schaft und Poli­tik has to be clo­sed wit­hin 6 mon­ths, becau­se it is in clear vio­la­ti­on of cur­rent EU reso­lu­ti­ons on misinformation.

This can not be allo­wed to con­ti­nue! Save your child­rens ten­der minds from this heresy.

Pur­ge Stif­tung Wis­sen­schaft und Poli­tik from Face­book and Twit­ter now!

Foot­no­te 22 in the 2018 Stif­tung Wis­sen­schaft und Poli­tik rese­arch paper refers to “What Is to Be Done About the ‘Rus­si­an Ques­ti­on?’” by Igor Tor­ba­kov Oct 27 2017, eurasianet.org - https://eurasianet.org/what-is-to-be-done-about-the-russian-question

Whe­re it states:

The rela­ti­ons­hip bet­ween empi­re and nati­on lies at the heart of Russia’s modern histo­ry. Some com­men­ta­tors argue that sin­ce the 19th cen­tu­ry, the histo­ry of Rus­sia has been one of an empi­re that wan­ted to act like a nation-state. Rus­si­an impe­ri­al bureau­crats did not suc­ceed eit­her in crea­ting a via­ble civic natio­nal iden­ti­ty based on pan-imperial citi­zenship, or in forming a Rus­si­an eth­nic nati­on based on Rus­si­an (russ­kii) eth­ni­ci­ty. Accord­ing to Ronald Suny and other like-minded scho­l­ars, the Rus­si­an Empire’s sto­ry is one of the “incom­ple­te nation-building.”

The 1917 Revo­lu­ti­on and the for­ma­ti­on of the Soviet Uni­on mar­ked a radi­cal depar­tu­re from Rus­si­an impe­ri­al prac­ti­ces. The for­mer empi­re was recon­sti­tu­ted as a Soviet fede­ra­ti­on of natio­nal repu­blics (quasi-states), as well as smal­ler ter­ri­to­ri­al units, based on eth­nic iden­ti­ties. The Soviets found an unor­tho­dox way of dealing with the Rus­si­an Empire’s multi-ethnic cha­rac­ter – they opted for a fede­ra­ti­on in which each “eth­nic mino­ri­ty” was tur­ned into an “eth­nic majo­ri­ty,” or “titu­lar natio­na­li­ty,” wit­hin a spe­ci­fi­cal­ly deli­ne­a­ted admi­nis­tra­ti­ve territory.

By ter­ri­to­ria­li­zing eth­ni­ci­ty, the Soviets de jure bes­to­wed the sta­tus of nati­on onto all the “sub­jects of the fede­ra­ti­on.” But they did this with one cru­cial excep­ti­on – the Russians.

In the far cor­ners of the for­mer empi­re, the many nati­ons that had been sub­ju­ga­ted under the tsar now had their natio­nal home­lands and were encou­ra­ged to fos­ter indi­vi­du­al natio­nal iden­ti­ties and cul­tures, albeit wit­hin a rigid Soviet frame­work: “natio­nal in form, socia­list in content.”

Throughout the ent­i­re Soviet peri­od, howe­ver, the Rus­si­an Soviet Fede­ra­ti­ve Socia­list Repu­blic was the only repu­blic whe­re this for­mu­la was pur­po­se­ful­ly not adop­ted: the RSFSR was not con­si­de­red a natio­nal home­land of Rus­si­ans. It was view­ed more as an asym­metric fede­ra­ti­on that com­bi­ned ter­ri­to­ri­al units with lar­ge­ly eth­nic Rus­si­an popu­la­ti­ons and natio­nal (nomi­nal­ly non-Russian) auto­no­mous repu­blics. This approach’s main goal was to keep Rus­si­an and Soviet iden­ti­ties blur­red so that the majo­ri­ty of Rus­si­ans would view the ent­i­re Soviet Uni­on as their own sta­te, rather than the RSFSR

Rus­si­ans were thus the only non-nation in the Soviet Uni­on. And at the same time, a new type of supra­na­tio­nal “Soviet nati­on” did not emer­ge either.

Fol­lowing the Soviet empire’s col­lap­se, which was brought about in no small mea­su­re by the poli­ci­es of Boris Yelt­sin, the then-leader of the Rus­si­an Fede­ra­ti­on, Rus­si­ans have argu­ab­ly found them­sel­ves in a situa­ti­on even more dis­ad­van­ta­ge­ous than the one in 1917: not only did 14 ex-Soviet repu­blics immedia­te­ly estab­lish inde­pen­dence, clai­ming their right to a “natio­nal home­land” wit­hin the form­er­ly admi­nis­tra­ti­ve bor­ders drawn by the Bols­he­viks, but near­ly 25 mil­li­on eth­nic Rus­si­ans ended up resi­ding bey­ond the bor­ders of post-Soviet Russia.

The Rus­sia that emer­ged from the rub­ble of the 1991 col­lap­se of the Soviet Uni­on was more of a rump empi­re than a nation-state. And during the sub­se­quent two-plus deca­des, it has kept the bounda­ries of its “geo­b­o­dy” and “cul­tu­ral body” inten­tio­nal­ly blur­red, and has built a poli­ty rep­le­te with all kinds of eth­nic hier­ar­chies that are com­mon cha­rac­te­ris­tics of an impe­ri­al formation.

Sin­ce 1991, three theo­ries of nation-statehood have com­pe­ted for pri­ma­cy in Rus­sia its­elf – civic, eth­nic and neo-imperial.

Russia’s libe­rals – clear­ly a “mino­ri­ty faith” – have been the chief cham­pions of a con­cept of a civic nati­on, based on the pro­vi­si­ons of the 1993 Con­sti­tu­ti­on that cha­rac­te­ri­ze Rus­sia as a com­mu­ni­ty of Rus­si­an citi­zens – ros­si­ya­ne – enjoy­ing equal rights.

Eth­no­na­tio­na­lists are the main advo­ca­tes of a Rus­si­an sta­te orga­ni­zed along eth­nic lines. They claim that the dis­in­te­gra­ti­on of the Soviet Uni­on crea­ted – for the first time in Rus­si­an histo­ry – an oppor­tu­ni­ty to build a spe­ci­fi­cal­ly russ­kii nati­on, capi­ta­li­zing on eth­nic Rus­si­ans’ nume­ri­cal strength wit­hin the bor­ders of the Rus­si­an Federation.

Final­ly, the­re are impert­sy (cham­pions of empi­re) – a dis­pa­ra­te group of poli­ti­cal thin­kers that inclu­de so-called Eura­sia­nists. They con­t­end that Russia’s cur­rent con­di­ti­on is a pre­lude to the res­to­ra­ti­on of empire.

Throughout the Putin era, the government has paid lip ser­vice to the civic under­stan­ding of nati­on. But Putin’s Krem­lin has never real­ly been inte­res­ted in imple­men­ting such a con­cept. Civic nati­ons can emer­ge only in demo­cra­tic sys­tems, but estab­li­shing genui­ne demo­cra­cy in Rus­sia is defi­ni­te­ly not on the Kremlin’s agenda.

During his time in power, Putin has opted to maneu­ver bet­ween eth­no­na­tio­na­lists and “empire-builders.” The annex­a­ti­on of Cri­mea is the case in point. The land grab in Ukrai­ne was enthu­si­asti­cal­ly sup­por­ted by the “impert­sy” and the bulk of eth­no­na­tio­na­lists – but for dif­fe­rent rea­sons: the for­mer saw the move as the first step toward the rebuil­ding of empi­re; the lat­ter hai­led it as a suc­cess­ful examp­le of an eth­nic Rus­si­an reconquista.

src: click

Recon­quis­ta? Poi­so­ning our child­rens minds, with incen­dia­ry sci­en­ti­fic and revo­lu­tio­nist con­cepts, that are now for­bid­den as of Euro­pean reso­lu­ti­on 2024/2988(RSP), adop­ted by the Euro­pean Par­lia­ment in a sin­gle rea­ding on 23. 01. 2025!

Act now citizen!









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