How to bolster Ukraine’s wartime resilience

02. Mai 2024

using a rooster.

Chat­ham House vor vier Stunden.

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Ory­sia Luts­e­vych: I just wan­ted to uh to to start with this of cour­se image that many of you may know, reco­gni­ze um some of you don’t but you know whe­re is resi­li­en­ce on on this pic­tu­re and it real­ly is right here um in the um um try­ing to uh um uh it’s right here uh this litt­le roos­ter from um Ukrai­ni­an cer­a­mic Fac­to­ry near Kiew that sur­vi­ved the bom­bard­ment of buil­ding in banka uh that beca­me by the choice of ukrai­ni­ans them­sel­ves a sym­bol of resi­li­en­ce and when Nata­lie you were asking me how do we defi­ne resi­li­en­ce what is it if you look at this roos­ter you may say it’s actual­ly sur­vi­ving a vio­lent shock is to be able to stand in um a times of um ass­ault on your uh very exis­tence right uh but it is also capa­ci­ty to pre­pa­re for the future dis­rup­ti­on right, it’s some­thing that Socie­ty should be thin­king about and actual­ly reco­ver from shock reco­ver from shock pos­si­b­ly even stron­ger and that is I would say the hig­hest level of resi­li­en­ce of any socie­ty or an indi­vi­du­al than befo­re it’s lear­ning from this um vio­lent expe­ri­ence to for­ti­fy uh for your sys­tems uh your respon­se to Future adver­si­ty and um that is why you know we we were try­ing to think whe­ther the­re could be a com­pre­hen­si­ve sys­tem that could cap­tu­re what it is that we want to see in the socie­ty that is resi­li­ent and and of cour­se like you like you said perhaps Ukrai­ne beca­me even like this vic­tim of resi­li­en­ce whe­re a lot of peop­le you know lean back on this hoping that this will help car­ry out Ukrai­ne throughout the war and um our task in Chat­ham House, when we look at this con­cept was to try to sug­gest some pil­lars whe­re if we look at the socie­ty as a who­le and it’s not just as indi­vi­du­al how we could look at some of the qua­li­ties uh that would tell us how how strong or weak um a cer­tain com­mu­ni­ty is and the­se are the five pil­lars we’­re loo­king from human secu­ri­ty to cogni­ti­ve resi­li­en­ce and each of tho­se pil­lars has seven indi­ca­tors so over­all - the­re are 35 indi­ca­tors, we did not test this metho­do­lo­gy on Ukrai­ne I would like to make it very clear this was tes­ted in Mol­d­o­va um it was desi­gned uh to be under the thres­hold of full sca­le kine­tic War it’s a socie­ty that feels pres­su­re from out­side to under­mi­ne its um its um cour­se and it’s for tho­se sharp powers of malign influ­ence who want to espe­cial­ly in our regi­on is Rus­sia so uh we’­ve sur­vey­ed um experts inde­pen­dent experts non-government experts about how they see this in Mol­d­o­va and this is just to illus­tra­te the out­co­me of this uh based on this sur­vey whe­re you could see in Mol­d­o­va peop­le feel that human secu­ri­ty remains qui­te vul­nerable - weak whe­re­as eco­no­mic agi­li­ty remains qui­te, you know is is more solid so how can we use this and I do belie­ve that when we are loo­king at Ukrai­ne right now the coun­try at War we can um to a degree um app­ly this frame­work and the­se indi­ca­tors under each of tho­se cri­te­ria so I will just liter­al­ly brief­ly say if we’­re loo­king at human secu­ri­ty what real­ly hel­ped Ukrai­ne from my under­stan­ding is said some com­mu­nities were pre­pa­red they had table­top exer­ci­ses not all of them and actual­ly covid coope­ra­ti­on around pan­de­mic hel­ped deve­lop some of the­se net­works I will not go one by one I’ll just men­ti­on some of them that I think some­thing to keep in mind for the future if we look at Social cohe­si­on this remains one of the big con­cerns at the moment with the war and its impact on peop­le um and um for examp­le the way in which um pro­tec­tion of rights of vul­nerable mino­ri­ties of of peop­le impac­ted by War from vete­rans to Child­ren uh and the con­flicts bet­ween tho­se who are figh­t­ing who are not figh­t­ing who are abroad who are in Ukrai­ne is some­thing that you know risks under­mi­ning Ukrai­ni­an resi­li­en­ce but over­all the the pur­po­se of the mis­si­on in Ukrai­ne remains very strong if we look at the gover­nan­ce what we hear and see from uh Ukrai­ne is there’s the real con­cern about com­ba­ting cor­rup­ti­on it remains an issue whe­re peop­le feel that actual­ly 63% of ukrai­ni­ans belie­ve it’s a prio­ri­ty becau­se it’s one of tho­se um are­as that is was­ting resour­ces and also builds a a fee­ling of Injus­ti­ce uh in Ukrai­ne so you know if if if we look under­ne­ath the gover­nan­ce it’s one of tho­se are­as whe­re Ukrai­ne needs much more effort but of cour­se on the upsi­de we look at the trans­pa­ren­cy of gover­nan­ce gover­nan­ce we’­re loo­king about digi­ta­liz­a­ti­on of ser­vices here Ukrai­ne is a Pioneer and actual­ly being able to deli­ver a lot of ser­vices online in an open way um hel­ped ukrai­ni­ans in cri­sis on the go to be able to access ser­vices and that that con­tri­bu­tes to Ukrai­ni­an resilience.

Wait what?!

Bewa­re the rooster?!

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Thank you Ory­sia Luts­e­vych, depu­ty direc­tor of the Rus­sia and Eura­sia Pro­gram­me and head of the Ukrai­ne Forum at Chat­ham House.

Of cour­se Ory­sia Luts­e­vych is not only a valu­able mem­ber of the Ukrai­ne Forum at Chat­ham House, she is also the most valu­able con­nec­tion for fee­ding ukrai­ni­an pro­pa­gan­da strai­ght into the DGAP (Deut­sche Gesell­schaft für Aus­wär­ti­ge Politik)

Den übli­chen Sager “Pro­pa­gan­da hat wie­der nie­mand ent­deckt, kann ich dies­mal nicht brin­gen, denn die Auf­ga­ben­stel­lung bei Chat­ham House war es ja Durch­hal­te­pro­pa­gan­da zu brainstormen.

Dass dabei nur gequirl­te Scheis­se raus­kommt, liegt an den betei­lig­ten Personen.

Die aber sonst noch pass­ge­nau die Deut­sche Gesell­schaft für Aus­wär­ti­ge Poli­tik briefen.

Einen Con­flict of Inte­rest hat natür­lich noch nie­mand entdeckt.

Wir hal­ten fest: Bei Chat­ham House wird jetzt bereits Durch­hal­te Pro­pa­gan­da und dafür nutz­ba­re Sym­bo­lik für die Ukrai­ne gebrain­stormt, nur die deut­schen Medi­en hät­ten immer noch kei­ne Pro­pa­gan­da entdeckt.

Dass die ukrai­ni­sche Pro­pa­gan­dis­tin die auch für die Ukraine/DGAP Kom­mu­ni­ka­ti­on abge­stellt ist damit kom­plett über­for­dert scheint, ehrt sie bei­na­he schon.









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