From the head of the office of sanctions coordination at the United States state department to the lips of Macron in one and a half months.

14. April 2023

Ein­ein­halb Mona­te - ist die Zeit­span­ne um es mit der Pla­nung zur zukünf­ti­gen wirt­schaft­li­chen Ent­wick­lung Euro­pas vom viel belä­chel­ten US Think­tank Vor­schlag auf die Lip­pen des fran­zö­si­schen Prä­si­den­ten zu schaffen.

Und wie ver­kauft man das den fol­gen­den zwei Genera­tio­nen an kom­plett durch­ver­arsch­ten Jugend­li­chen die hier von den Hin­ter­grün­den kei­ne Ahnung haben?

Mit einer schö­nen Handgeste:

Bildschirmfoto 2023 04 14 um 10 45 18

Bei sowas muss natür­lich Andre­as Treichl gleich per­sön­lich ein­schrei­ten und den war­nen­den Fin­ger heben, dass die deutsch­spra­chi­gen Medi­en auch Mei­nungs­frei­heit zulas­sen müs­sen, denn die waren gera­de im Begriff, den fran­zö­si­schen Prä­si­den­ten so abzu­kan­zeln, dass sie “ok - wir rich­ten unse­re kom­plet­te zukünf­ti­ge wirt­schaft­li­che Ent­wick­lung an den Vor­stel­lun­gen von US Think­tanks aus” - als “nicht ame­ri­ka­freund­lich genug” in der Luft zer­ris­sen haben.

Also alle Brei­ten­me­di­en gleich­zei­tig. Zum Glück hat da Andre­as Treichl noch recht­zei­tig ein­ge­grif­fen!

Was brauchst du mehr, als eine Hand­ges­te, und ein paar auf­stre­ben­de jun­ge WU-ler im Publi­kum, die in der Rede end­lich das Buz­z­word gehört haben, das ihre zukünf­ti­ge Ent­wick­lung bestim­men wird.

Und wie gut sie sich als Par­ti­ku­lar­in­ter­es­sen­ver­tre­ter einer euro­päi­schen Gesell­schaft, die aber auch ein wenig mehr ver­zich­ten wird müs­sen - machen werden!

Wobei Frank­reich hat sich eine Kon­zes­si­on her­aus­ge­nom­men, gegen die zu vor­ei­li­ge Abwan­de­rung der in Euro­pa aus­ge­bil­de­ten Fach­kräf­te, und auf­grund der ver­än­der­ten Finan­zie­rungs­be­dinun­gen wür­de zukünf­tig eine gemein­sa­me euro­päi­sche Indus­trie­po­li­tik benö­tigt werden.

Mit einem Teil, wir wol­len das Spar­gut­ha­ben der Boo­mer in spe­zi­fi­sche sek­to­ra­le Ent­wick­lung inner­halb Euro­pas len­ken. Und etwas weni­ger “die US drän­gen uns das über staat­li­che Anlei­hen­käu­fe zu finan­zie­ren” -- was dann natür­lich wie­der nicht funk­tio­nie­ren wird (frei­wil­li­ge Pri­vat­in­vest­ments der nicht Ideo­lo­gen (ultra long term inves­ted)) - und dann hat man zumindest -

- Ent­wick­lungs­po­li­tik aus den USA in Euro­pa etabliert,

- eine euro­päi­sche Indus­trie­po­li­tik eta­bliert um zumin­dest Inves­ti­ti­ons­kon­troll­me­cha­nis­men zu haben,

- und star­tet dann mit den Struk­tur­in­vest­ments durch die Notenpresse.

Hier die bei­den Posi­tio­nen im Vergleich:

James C. O’Bri­en - head of the Office of Sanc­tions Coor­di­na­ti­on at the United Sta­tes Depart­ment of Sta­te sin­ce April 2022

This also goes bey­ond spe­ci­fic cases of Human Rights abu­ses or anti-corruption it’s it’s important for the glo­bal eco­no­my one of the the strug­gles we’ll all face is with the green tran­si­ti­on whe­re we rea­li­ze that many of the resour­ces nee­ded to build electric cars and other things are around the glo­be and often locked up in long-term con­tracts now tho­se con­tracts rest on a foun­da­ti­on often of cor­rupt beha­vi­or odious labor prac­ti­ces hor­ri­ble envi­ron­men­tal prac­ti­ces and other things that make them vul­nerable to some­thing from sanc­tions if we just sim­ply desi­gna­ted the peop­le who hold tho­se con­tracts and tried to use it as a com­mer­cial tool I don’t think we’d be adding to the legi­ti­ma­cy of the Inter­na­tio­nal sys­tem. What we’d like to see is a strong set of norms and prac­ti­ces ulti­mate­ly rules that govern the sort of con­tracts that allow for the glo­bal use of the­se com­mo­di­ties also for the bet­ter­ment of the peop­le who live near whe­re the­se things are brought out of the ground so chan­ging the sup­ply chains that cur­r­ent­ly feed what’s going to be cri­ti­cal for the green tran­si­ti­on is an area whe­re sanc­tions have a role a, sup­por­ti­ve role but just - but an important role in clea­ring the way for an announ­ce­ment of what the glo­bal stan­dards are now out of all that whe­ther it’s in an eco­no­mic case or human rights case, envi­ron­men­tal or wha­te­ver the point of this is that, sanc­tions should be a pie­ce of estab­li­shing stron­ger inter­na­tio­nal norms and that’s a stance that the admi­nis­tra­ti­on of which I’m part feels the U.S. needs to play a strong voice in but we can’t do it alo­ne so we have to do this with our part­ners becau­se this is not an area whe­re one par­ty can sim­ply decla­re what the rules are so it’s an area whe­re we work very clo­se­ly with the Euro­pean Uni­on with our key allies in Euro­pe and with other major sta­tes around the world and I think we’ll try to do more of it as we go.

src: click

The french pre­si­dents “On the future of Euro­pe” Rede, ein­ein­halb Mona­te später:

[…] we need reci­pro­ci­ty - and I want to insist on the fact that reci­pro­ci­ty will be core espe­cial­ly for the new genera­ti­on of Tra­de Agree­ments we will have all this deba­te we know that, on MERCOSUR and some other tra­de agree­ments this is very well known and, it will be ever­y­whe­re - in your press and my press in our par­lia­ments. I do belie­ve in open­ness I think that tra­de was very bene­fi­cial for the Euro­peans and very bene­fi­cial for most of the pla­ces of this world and one of the best way to fight against pover­ty, but you need a fair tra­de and reci­pro­ci­ty is part of it - and the free tra­de agree­ment must now obey a ratio­nal which goes bey­ond a pure­ly eco­no­mic logic. And I want to insist on at least three points.

First sus­taina­bi­li­ty, sin­ce it’s sim­ply impos­si­ble to con­cei­ve that our EU tra­de poli­cy might not be ful­ly sus­tainab­le we should stop signing and accep­t­ing tra­de agree­ments with governments and peop­le which don’t respect Paris agree­ment in our bio­di­ver­si­ty com­mit­ments - other­wi­se we put our­sel­ves to over­cons­trai­nes or at least cons­traints our pro­du­cers fol­lowing our requi­re­ments and our com­mit­ments, but we will accept to import pro­ducts com­ing from pla­ces less deman­ding and not com­pli­ant with poli­cy agree­ments and bio­di­ver­si­ty agree­ments, this is a dou­ble wham­my approach [DOPPELWUMMS!] becau­se you will help them basi­cal­ly not to respect what you belie­ve in, you will kill your indus­try, you’ll import on top of that. So let’s stop that and in this regards, the EU New Zea­land agree­ment estab­lis­hed a sort of gold stan­dard in this area and should defi­ni­te­ly be pre­sent in all future tra­de agree­ments, which means that you need - as an essen­ti­al clau­se - not as I would say, just the con­fet­ti or some­thing nice in the cake not the child­ren, the cake, an essen­ti­al clau­se of your tra­de agree­ment should be the respect of cli­ma­te chan­ge and bio­di­ver­si­ty commitments. 

Second, its fair­ness and a balan­ce in con­ces­si­ons to avoid any detri­men­tal effects on the EU eco­no­my espe­cial­ly regar­ding the most sen­si­ti­ve sec­tors and third to clear stra­te­gic inte­rests of the agree­ment for the EU

How would the agree­ment pro­vi­de pri­vi­le­ged access to cri­ti­cal raw mate­ri­als for examp­le how would it con­tri­bu­te effec­tively to diver­si­fy­ing EU sup­plies in key sec­tors and so on, but bes­i­des that what we need defi­ni­te­ly is a mir­ror mecha­nism and mir­ror mea­su­res to be sure that when you put cons­traints on your pro­du­cers you ask the same to the pro­du­cers com­ing from the coun­try you are signing with. This is the only way to make this tra­de agree­ment sus­tainab­le and accep­ta­ble for your peop­le and your industry.

My last point about this Doc­tri­ne is regar­ding coope­ra­ti­on. We have to push pro­mo­te our agen­da through a seri­es of coope­ra­ti­on in order to streng­t­hen and extend our mul­ti­la­te­ral rules and instru­ments and pre­cise­ly to do more tog­e­ther and and push this Euro­pean model, internationally.

First of this coope­ra­ti­on, we have to be the one to revi­ta­li­ze and extend the mul­ti­la­te­ral framework.

WTO is no more func­tio­n­ing, we need it - so we have to pro­mo­te and repro­mo­te this agen­da with the U.S. and some others, but um an agree­ment was found on the fight against ille­gal fishing in June 2022 the new head of the new chair­man of WTO is making a won­der­ful job we have to help her to resu­me - is a very important agen­da we had [past ten­se] - pre­cise­ly in order to fix con­flicts and to have clear mecha­nism in case of con­flicts this is one of the best way to be an open world, more sustainable.

Second we have to ensu­re com­pli­an­ce by third coun­tries with high stan­dard of values to this end we have a very power­ful tool our sin­gle mar­ket - as men­tio­ned, but the exter­nal part of the sin­gle Mar­ket and the trans­for­ma­ti­on of the EU has been very swift in this area too - it now makes use all of its poli­ci­es well bey­ond a sin­gle chan­nel of tra­de policy. 

We have star­ted working in this direc­tion the instru­ment for instance to fight defo­re­sta­ti­on will for instance help tack­le impor­ted raw metals and pro­ces­sed pro­ducts of which the pro­duc­tion con­tri­bu­tes direct­ly or indi­rect­ly to deforestation.

I.e. if we crea­te a sort of con­di­ti­on of access to our sin­gle mar­ket some­ti­mes the fact that Euro­pe coope­ra­tes on an agen­da you find as essen­ti­al, you are much more efficient.

With regard to respect of fun­da­men­tal rights we know how much impor­t­ance this is and this is exact­ly what we are pro­mo­ting on due dili­gence for­ced labor and so on and this is very important.

I think this coope­ra­ti­ve approach should be the one we use as well. Working all tog­e­ther to team up all the Euro­pean I mean the Euro­pean Uni­on its mem­ber sta­tes the deve­lo­p­ment agen­ci­es, Euro­pean Invest­ment Bank and Euro­pean bank for recon­struc­tion and deve­lo­p­ments, play­ing tog­e­ther and pro­mo­ting pre­cise­ly - our agen­da, our inte­rests and our values with third coun­tries but this coope­ra­ti­on is abso­lute­ly key with third coun­tries if we want to be more efficient.

This is exact­ly the same approach we want to pro­mo­te for our deve­lo­p­ment model in the June sum­mit we will orga­ni­ze having all the Euro­peans working tog­e­ther to set up a new stan­dard as you can see with this five pil­lars com­pe­ti­ti­ve­ness and sin­gle mar­ket, indus­tri­al poli­cy, pro­tec­tion, reci­pro­ci­ty and coope­ra­ti­on, we can set up a new eco­no­mic doc­tri­ne which will allow us to recon­ci­le crea­ting jobs finan­cing our social model dealing with cli­ma­te chan­ge and being more sov­er­eign [Get access to key resour­ces che­a­per.] and deci­ding for our­sel­ves - and I think this is critical. 

This is cri­ti­cal in this peri­od of time whe­re we have war and eco­no­my is being wea­po­ni­zed [so we need to do it as well to access key resour­ces che­a­per] and ever­ything in our eco­no­my will be pro­gres­si­ve­ly a part of natio­nal secu­ri­ty [get key resour­ces che­a­per] and I think this is cri­ti­cal if we want to pre­ser­ve our open model to remain open and based on our approach of this capi­tal mar­ket model, but if we don’t want to depend on the other ones and if we want to pre­ser­ve our values and our Euro­pean model which is based on huma­nism, an attach­ment to free­dom and solidarity.

Here at Nexus 20 years ago Josh Stei­ner gave an important speech about the idea of Euro­pe and he said Euro­pe is made up of Cafe. This extent from Pesho’s favo­ri­te Cafe in Lis­bon to the Odes­sa Cafe is haun­ted by Isaac Bub­bles gangs­ters [?] and I ful­ly belie­ve, I very often men­tio­ned, this moment of Stei­ner and I ful­ly belie­ve in this Spi­rit of Cafe as Stei­ner said - which thri­ves in our gre­at con­ti­nent from Lis­bon to Odes­sa becau­se, Cafe are clo­sed whe­re peop­le are bom­bed and Cafe was a place whe­re you can have con­tro­ver­sies dis­cus­sions you can share the­se agree­ments but at the very end you dream, how Euro­pe is made of Dreams, but actu­al drea­mers are very prag­ma­tic - other­wi­se they finish with the dreams of the others. I’m a drea­mer and idea­listic, but I don’t want my dreams to be drea­med in other people’s language…”


Also wir hal­ten fest. Das was die US wol­len. Zur Stär­kung von Par­ti­ku­lar­in­ter­es­sen (Alp­bach *hust*) in unse­ren Gesell­schaf­ten, die gleich­zei­tig weni­ger ver­brau­chen müs­sen als vor­her (eben­falls Teil der Rede), bei einer Euro­päi­sie­rung der Indus­trie­po­litk, und einer Euro­päi­sie­rung des Bank­we­sens um Spar­ver­mö­gen in die “richt­in­gen Chan­nels” für Indus­trie­ent­wick­lung zu lei­ten (Andre­as Treichl hat in Alp­bach in den letz­ten drei Jah­ren kom­plet­te Eröff­nungs­re­den zu dem Aspekt gehal­ten), um den Anteil an Basis­fi­nan­zie­rung der über die Dru­cker­pres­se geleis­tet wer­den wird klei­ner zu hal­ten als die US es von Euro­pa wol­len -- denn wir sind Träu­mer, aber auch prag­ma­tisch, und wol­len in fran­zö­sisch träu­men, aber nur in offe­nen Cafes die nur dort offen sein kön­nen wo kein Krieg -- und fran­zö­sisch sin­gen, und -- ich hab dann abgebrochen. 

(Fran­zö­sisch sin­gen ist im Tran­skript nicht mehr drin­nen, aber es ist in der Rede. FÜR DIE TROTTEL.)

Roh­stof­fe nur zu uns in den Wes­ten, Frei­han­del aus­ge­setzt, WTO ist past ten­se, und das Gan­ze noch ein biss­chen kaschiert mit eini­gen Aspek­ten die noch so wir­ken als wür­den wir und noch an CBAM ori­en­tie­ren. Weil a bis­serl was mit Paris com­mit­ment und Schutz von euro­päi­schen Schlüs­sel­in­dus­trien halt auch noch.

UND DIESE DRECKSVERARSCHE - Ver­zei­hung die­ses “Modell zur zukünf­ti­gen Ent­wick­lung Euro­pas - wegen irgend­was mit Werten” -

war ALLEN deutsch­spra­chi­gen Medi­en nicht “ame­ri­ka­freund­lich genug” - sodass sie es ohne zu wis­sen was hier läuft (ich mei­ne Macron redet hier auf eng­lisch…), in den Boden schrei­ben haben müs­sen - bis der FUCKING Treichl ein­schrei­ten muss­te, um sie zu erin­nern, dass sie hier nicht das Kind mit dem Bade aus­schüt­ten sol­len, denn das ist 1:1 das was die US wirt­schafts­po­li­tisch von Euro­pa wollten.

Mit ein bis zwei Hand­brem­sen, dort wos innen­po­li­tisch Pro­ble­me geben dürf­te - ansons­ten 1:1 die sel­be außen­po­li­ti­sche Ausrichtung.

So ver­kauft man auch mor­gen noch sei­ne Kinder.

Nicht in dem man es zur unter der Hand gefor­der­ten Gesell­schafts­lü­ge macht, dass sie in Tai­wan für die Frei­heit von Wer­ten, für die USA ster­ben sollen.

- lie­be ver­fick­te Boo­merarsch­lö­cher - dies immer noch nicht in die Peeeen­s­siiiio­oooon geschafft haben:

Hängt euch auf ihr Schwei­ne, sterbt ihr unend­li­chen Arschlöcher.

Der Applaus der WU-ler im Ple­num ist ohrenbetäubend.

edit: Kon­text:

EU-New Zea­land tra­de agree­ment:

The agree­ment, once it enters into for­ce, will:

Crea­te signi­fi­cant eco­no­mic oppor­tu­nities for com­pa­nies, far­mers and consumers;
Respect the Paris Cli­ma­te Agree­ment and core labour rights, enfor­ce­ab­le through tra­de sanc­tions as a last resort, and:
Cement EU ties with a like-minded ally in the eco­no­mi­c­al­ly dyna­mic Indo-Pacific region.

src: click

In Zukunft nen­nen wir das “wer­te­ba­sier­te Handelspolitik”.

Sehen wir uns die nego­tia­ti­on direc­ti­ves der EU für das Free Tra­de Agree­ment mit New Zea­land genau­er an:


The Agree­ment will reco­gni­se that sus­tainab­le deve­lo­p­ment is an over­ar­ching objec­ti­ve of the par­ties and that they will aim at ensu­ring and faci­li­ta­ting respect of inter­na­tio­nal envi­ron­men­tal and labour agree­ments and stan­dards. The Agree­ment should also con­tri­bu­te to the pro­mo­ti­on of sus­tainab­le deve­lo­p­ment and broa­der EU values, inter alia by inclu­ding tra­de rela­ted pro­vi­si­ons on labour and envi­ron­ment, inclu­ding through cor­po­ra­te social respon­si­bi­li­ty, respon­si­ble gover­nan­ce of ten­u­re of land, fishe­ries and forests, respon­si­ble agri­cul­tu­re invest­ment and trans­pa­ren­cy. To address such mea­su­res, sus­tainab­le deve­lo­p­ment should be taken into account throughout the Agree­ment, inclu­ding in the form of a spe­ci­fic chap­ter on tra­de and sus­tainab­le deve­lo­p­ment, covering both social and envi­ron­men­tal issues.

The eco­no­mic, envi­ron­men­tal and social (inclu­ding on women) impacts of the tra­de and invest­ment pro­vi­si­ons of the Agree­ment should be exami­ned by means of an inde­pen­dent Sus­taina­bi­li­ty Impact Assess­ment (SIA), which should be under­ta­ken in par­al­lel with the nego­tia­ti­ons. The Com­mis­si­on should ensu­re that the SIA is con­duc­ted in regu­lar dia­lo­gue with all rele­vant sta­ke­hol­ders from civil socie­ty. The SIA should be fina­li­zed ahead of the initi­al­ling of the Agree­ment and its fin­dings should be taken into account in the nego­tia­ting pro­cess. It would aim to: (a) cla­ri­fy the likely effects of the Agree­ment on sus­tainab­le deve­lo­p­ment and cli­ma­te, and the poten­ti­al impact in other coun­tries, in par­ti­cu­lar Least Deve­lo­ped Coun­tries and, whe­re rele­vant, over­seas coun­tries and ter­ri­to­ries and outer­most regi­ons; and (b) to pro­po­se mea­su­res to maxi­mi­se the bene­fits of the Agree­ment and to pre­vent or mini­mi­se poten­ti­al nega­ti­ve impacts.

Das hier war der rele­van­te SIA Leit­fa­den, der damals noch nicht ope­ra­tio­na­li­siert war - aber jetzt in Koope­ra­ti­on mit den US für Han­dels­ver­trä­ge in Zukunft bin­dend wer­den wird: 


Tra­de and Sus­tainab­le Development

The Agree­ment shall inclu­de pro­vi­si­ons on labour and envi­ron­men­tal aspects of tra­de and sus­tainab­le deve­lo­p­ment of rele­van­ce in a tra­de and for­eign direct invest­ment con­text. It should pro­mo­te the imple­men­ta­ti­on of the 2030 Agen­da for sus­tainab­le deve­lo­p­ment. It should inclu­de pro­vi­si­ons that pro­mo­te adhe­rence to and effec­ti­ve imple­men­ta­ti­on of rele­vant inter­na­tio­nal­ly agreed princi­ples and rules, inclu­ding the core labour stan­dards and fun­da­men­tal con­ven­ti­ons of the Inter­na­tio­nal Labour Orga­ni­sa­ti­on (ILO) and mul­ti­la­te­ral envi­ron­men­tal agree­ments inclu­ding tho­se rela­ted to cli­ma­te chan­ge, in par­ti­cu­lar the Paris Agree­ment, and cli­ma­te chan­ge mitigation-related mul­ti­la­te­ral initia­ti­ves, such as in the Inter­na­tio­nal Mari­ti­me Orga­niz­a­ti­on (IMO). The Agree­ment should inclu­de a com­mit­ment by each Par­ty to make con­ti­nued and sus­tai­ned efforts towards rati­fy­ing two ILO fun­da­men­tal con­ven­ti­ons: mini­mum age con­ven­ti­on (C138) and Free­dom of Asso­cia­ti­on and Pro­tec­tion of the Right to orga­ni­ze con­ven­ti­on (C87).

The Agree­ment should reaf­firm the right of the par­ties to regu­la­te in the labour and envi­ron­men­tal are­as, con­sis­tent with their inter­na­tio­nal com­mit­ments, and encou­ra­ging high levels of pro­tec­tion, inclu­ding by taking into account the most envi­ron­ment­al­ly advan­ta­ge­ous opti­ons. It should rei­tera­te the respect of the pre­cau­tio­na­ry princip­le. It should inclu­de pro­vi­si­ons for labour and envi­ron­men­tal levels of pro­tec­tion not to be lowe­red in order to encou­ra­ge tra­de and for­eign direct invest­ment. This should inclu­de a com­mit­ment not to dero­ga­te from or fail to enfor­ce domestic labour or envi­ron­men­tal laws.

The Agree­ment should pro­mo­te a grea­ter con­tri­bu­ti­on of tra­de and for­eign direct invest­ment to sus­tainab­le deve­lo­p­ment, inclu­ding by addres­sing are­as such as the faci­li­ta­ti­on of tra­de in envi­ron­men­tal and climate-friendly goods and ser­vices and the pro­mo­ti­on of vol­un­ta­ry sus­taina­bi­li­ty assuran­ce sche­mes and of cor­po­ra­te social respon­si­bi­li­ty, having regard to inter­na­tio­nal­ly reco­gnis­ed instru­ments and encou­ra­ging par­ties to use inter­na­tio­nal prac­ti­ces, inclu­ding OECD and sec­tor spe­ci­fic guidelines.

The Agree­ment should also con­tain com­mit­ments pro­mo­ting tra­de in legal­ly obtai­ned and sus­tainab­ly mana­ged natu­ral resour­ces, in par­ti­cu­lar in rela­ti­on to bio­di­ver­si­ty, fau­na and flo­ra, aqua­tic eco­sys­tem, fores­try pro­ducts, fishe­ries and cover rele­vant inter­na­tio­nal instru­ments and prac­ti­ces. It should also pro­mo­te tra­de favou­ring low-emission, cli­ma­te resi­li­ent development.

The Agree­ment should fore­see sui­ta­ble pro­vi­si­ons for the effec­ti­ve imple­men­ta­ti­on and moni­to­ring of the­se pro­vi­si­ons, as well as a mecha­nism to address and working towards resol­ving any dis­pu­tes ari­sing bet­ween the Par­ties, and should pro­vi­de for civil socie­ty par­ti­ci­pa­ti­on, inclu­ding regu­lar con­sul­ta­ti­ons and com­mu­ni­ca­ti­on action.

The Agree­ment should inclu­de pro­vi­si­ons addres­sing tra­de and for­eign direct investment-related aspects of ener­gy and raw mate­ri­als. The Agree­ment should aim at ensu­ring an open, trans­pa­rent, non-discriminatory and pre­dic­ta­ble busi­ness envi­ron­ment and at limi­t­ing anti-competitive prac­ti­ces in this area, exploration-production and access to infra­st­ruc­tu­re. It should aim at awar­ding spe­ci­fic rules of explo­ra­ti­on, licen­ses for explo­ra­ti­on and pro­duc­tion, spe­ci­fic mar­ket access rules, non­discri­mi­na­ti­on rules for third-party access to trans­mis­si­on and dis­tri­bu­ti­on net­works, and dis­po­si­ti­ons on rene­wa­ble ener­gies. The Agree­ment should also inclu­de rules that sup­port and fur­ther pro­mo­te tra­de and for­eign direct invest­ment in the rene­wa­ble ener­gy sec­tor. The Agree­ment should also enhan­ce coope­ra­ti­on in the abo­ve­men­tio­ned are­as. The agree­ment should aim at pro­mo­ting the deve­lo­p­ment of a sus­tainab­le and safe low-carbon eco­no­my, such as invest­ment in rene­wa­ble ener­gies and ener­gy effi­ci­ent solutions.

Das wird jetzt bin­dend um über­haupt einen Frei­han­dels­ver­trag abzuschließen.

Fol­gen­des Pro­blem, sie­he SIA Leit­fa­den:

The­re is, as yet, no uni­ver­sal­ly agreed view about how human rights impact assess­ments should be con­duc­ted. Nevertheless, the last few years have wit­nessed a signi­fi­cant con­ver­gence of views about what good or best prac­ti­ce should inclu­de. The pre­sent gui­de­li­nes, build on the recent aca­de­mic lite­ra­tu­re on human rights impact assessments2. They form part of the third tier of regu­la­to­ry gui­d­ance in the hier­ar­chy of Bet­ter Regu­la­ti­on guidance3.

Ana­ly­sis of the human rights impacts of a trade-related initia­ti­ve sets out to assess – against the nor­ma­ti­ve frame­work of human rights obli­ga­ti­ons as set out in the Char­ter of Fun­da­men­tal Rights of the Euro­pean Union4 (CFR) and a num­ber of inter­na­tio­nal sources5 – how tra­de mea­su­res which might be inclu­ded in a pro­po­sed trade-related poli­cy initia­ti­ve are likely to impact: eit­her on the human rights of indi­vi­du­als in the coun­tries or ter­ri­to­ries con­cer­ned; or on the abi­li­ty of the EU and part­ner country/ies to ful­fill or pro­gres­si­ve­ly rea­li­se their human rights obligations.

Da hel­fen uns dann sicher ger­ne unse­re Wer­te­part­ner (CFR?) aus um zu defi­nie­ren, mit wel­chen Län­dern wir auf­grund des neu­en wer­te­ba­sier­ten Frei­han­dels über­haupt noch Han­dels­ver­trä­ge abschlie­ßen dürfen.

In einer Koali­ti­on der Wer­te­ori­en­tier­ten, sozusagen.

Wie sieht es mit dem Sett­le­ment aus?

The Agree­ment should inclu­de an effec­ti­ve and bin­ding dis­pu­te sett­le­ment mecha­nism with an expe­di­ted pro­ce­du­re, in par­ti­cu­lar for the panel com­po­si­ti­on and the con­duct of panel proceedings.

The dis­pu­te sett­le­ment mecha­nism should be trans­pa­rent, open and based on expe­ri­ence gai­ned in the WTO and in other Free Tra­de Agree­ments. It should inclu­de pro­vi­si­ons for con­sul­ta­ti­ons and a
fle­xi­ble and rapid media­ti­on mechanism.

Based on expe­ri­ence gai­ned in the WTO” - irgend­wie nett formuliert.


Kotz, kotz, kotz, kotz, kotz, kotz, rei­her, kotz, kotz, kotz, kotz, kotz, kotz, würg -

OTS0085, 13. April 2023, 11:29

IV star­tet Kom­mu­ni­ka­ti­ons­in­itia­ti­ve: “Star­ke Part­ner für nach­hal­ti­gen Handel”

JA zu einem fai­ren Mercosur-Abkommen – Frei­han­del & Umwelt­schutz gehen Hand in Hand – Kom­mu­ni­ka­ti­ons­in­itia­ti­ve zur Stär­kung Euro­pas, das Part­ner gezielt aus­wählt & Freun­de stärkt
Wien (OTS) - „Frei­han­del und Umwelt­schutz gehen Hand in Hand – in Süd­ame­ri­ka und Öster­reich“, so Chris­toph Neu­may­er, Gene­ral­se­kre­tär der Indus­tri­el­len­ver­ei­ni­gung (IV) zur Kom­mu­ni­ka­ti­ons­in­itia­ti­ve anläss­lich des geplan­ten Frei­han­dels­ab­kom­mens der EU mit den Mercosur-Staaten - Argen­ti­ni­en, Bra­si­li­en, Para­gu­ay, Uru­gu­ay. Unter dem Mot­to „Star­ke Part­ner für nach­hal­ti­gen Han­del“ will die Indus­trie in den kom­men­den Wochen und Mona­ten Auf­merk­sam­keit für die Bedeu­tung eines fai­ren Han­dels­ab­kom­mens zwi­schen der EU und der Mercosur-Region schaffen.

Klima- und Umwelt­schutz im Fokus

Öster­reich und die EU sind kei­ne abge­schot­te­te Insel, ganz im Gegen­teil: Wir sind die, die die wirt­schaft­li­chen Aus­wir­kun­gen am unmit­tel­bars­ten spü­ren und spü­ren wer­den. Neben dem Krieg in Euro­pa sind wir auch in unse­rer Nach­bar­schaft, bei­spiels­wei­se im Nahen Osten und Nord­afri­ka, von Insta­bi­li­tät umge­ben. Wir müs­sen den Blick in die Fer­ne schär­fen, wenn es um zukunfts­fit­te glo­ba­le Part­ner­schaf­ten geht“, ergänzt Neu­may­er. Die Mercosur-Region ist außer­dem reich an Roh­stof­fen und sel­te­nen Erden, wel­che für die grü­ne Trans­for­ma­ti­on in Euro­pa – etwa in der Bat­te­rie­pro­duk­ti­on – drin­gend benö­tigt wer­den. Das erfolg­rei­che Umset­zen des Frei­han­dels­ab­kom­mens soll auch euro­päi­sche Umwelt­stan­dards nach Süd­ame­ri­ka expor­tie­ren: „Im geplan­ten Abkom­men, ver­pflich­ten sich bei­de Part­ner zu einer Umset­zung der Pari­ser Klimaschutzziele.

src: click

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