Claudia “nix Wissenschaft, nur Propaganda” Major

04. Oktober 2023

Wie kann man die Öffent­lich­keit eigent­lich noch verarschen?

Pro­pa­gan­da hat aber natür­lich immer noch nie­mand entdeckt.

Ein­stiegs­fra­ge: Wie lan­ge dau­ert der Krieg noch? Ant­wort, wie von den US Think­tanks aus­ge­ge­ben: Noch Zehn Jah­re (und dann noch eine Metric Shit­ton an stra­te­gi­scher Ambi­gui­tät “aber genau weiß ichs nicht!”). Sie­he Clü­ver Ashbrook:

Get­ting ban­ned on /r/ukraine is fun.

(Das Span­nen­de ist immer wann Nar­ra­ti­ve das ers­te Mal im deut­schen Medi­en Spek­trum auf­tau­chen - Clü­ver Ash­brook war hier die ers­te. (Also nach der Krieg ist nächs­tes Jahr zu Ende, die Offen­si­ve ist ein vol­ler Erfolg und dau­ert noch im Win­ter und durch die Ras­pu­tiza hin­durch an, dau­ert jetzt aber halt nicht ein Jahr, son­dern zehn - ein vol­ler Erfolg! Man kennt das ja. 

Wer war jetzt die ers­te Per­son die zehn Jah­re in den deut­schen Medi­en ver­brei­tet hat? Clü­ver Ash­brook.) Hurra!)

Also so weit so aus­wen­dig gelernt - was ja beleg­bar die Spe­zia­li­tät von Clau­dia Major ist, also das aus­wen­dig Ler­nen von US PR-Positionen - siehe:

What to best pair an App­le­baum with

Jetzt aber - böser, böser, gefin­kel­ter Mode­ra­tor, der weiß dass Clau­dia Major ihre State­ments nur von der US Admi­nis­tra­ti­on abkup­fert… Ver­ständ­nis Frage!

So ein böser Moderator…

Clau­dia Major: […] zwei­tes Ant­wort Ele­ment ist - das hängt auch von uns ab, also von den west­li­chen Unter­stüt­zer­staa­ten, wenn sie die Ukrai­ne poli­tisch, mili­tä­risch, finan­zi­ell, huma­ni­tär - sub­stan­zi­ell unter­stüt­zen, kann sie den Krieg hof­fent­lich schnel­ler zu ihren Guns­ten been­den [WIE VERSCHLAGEN MUSS MAN EIGENTLICH SEIN… Neu­er Game­ch­an­ger! Alles lie­fern! Sagt die allei­ni­ge Erfin­de­rin der Lern­kur­ve!] des­we­gen die kur­ze Ant­wort - ich weiß es nicht wie lan­ge hängt von uns ab. Und wahr­schein­lich eher länger.

Mode­ra­tor: Sie ver­wei­sen auf die For­schung und sagen, wenn es nach einem Jahr nicht vor­bei ist dau­ert es dann meis­tens sehr viel län­ger. Was ist da die Ursa­che dafür, rein wis­sen­schaft­lich, für die Län­ge des Krieges?

Clau­dia Major: Na ja, das sind ver­schie­de­ne Grün­de, das sind natür­lich ein­mal die mate­ri­el­len Fähig­kei­ten die­sen Krieg zu füh­ren [?] und da darf - in die­sem Fal­le hängt die Ukrai­ne sehr stark von der west­li­chen Unter­stüt­zung ab. Es hängt natür­lich aber auch an den Kriegs­grün­den und hier müs­sen wir sagen, dass so lan­ge Russ­land oder so lan­ge die Regie­rung Putin an ihren Kriegs­zie­len fest­hält also solan­ge sie die Iden­ti­tät und die eige­ne Staat­lich­keit und das Exis­tenz­recht der Ukrai­ne in Fra­ge stellt solan­ge wird es kei­nen Frie­den mit Russ­land und auch kei­ne Sta­bi­li­tät geben - und solan­ge Russ­land ein in Inten­ti­on also in Absich­ten und Zie­len und auch Instru­men­ten zutiefst mili­ta­ri­sier­ter Staat ist auch so lan­ge wird das kei­ne Sta­bi­li­tät und kein Frie­den geben und wenn man sich die­se bei­den Fak­to­ren zusam­men ansieht ist klar dass wir auf abseh­ba­re Zeit ohne einen fun­da­men­ta­len Wan­del in Russ­land kei­ne Sta­bi­li­tät, kei­ne Sicher­heit und kei­nen Frie­den haben wer­den und auch des­we­gen müs­sen wir uns auf einen lang­fris­ti­gen Kon­flikt einstellen.

[Ja dan­ke, wis­sen­schaft­lich bedeu­tet “was mir bedeu­ten­de Leu­te zum Sturz Putins sagen” schon klar. Hier ist sie, Clau­dia Major - Applaus! Der Mode­ra­tor ver­suchts noch mal -]

Mode­ra­tor: Kann man auch sagen dass es eben doch auch ein ganz ande­rer Krieg ist als im Irak und in Afgha­ni­stan wo die eine Sei­te Haus hoch über­le­gen war - etwa mit ihrer Luft­waf­fe und hier in der Ukrai­ne kämp­fen nun zwei Geg­ner auf Augen­hö­he in einem Infan­te­rie und Stel­lungs­krieg ist das auch ein Grund wes­we­gen es lag so lan­ge dauert?

Clau­dia Major: Ich weiß nicht ob der Begriff Augen­hö­he wirk­lich zutrifft, denn wenn sie die nack­ten Zah­len neh­men besteht ja ein Him­mel wei­ter Unter­schied zwi­schen Russ­land und der Ukrai­ne. [Und zwi­schen sowje­ti­schen und NATO Waf­fen] Russ­land mit 140 Mil­lio­nen Ein­woh­nern die Ukrai­ne um die 40 - Russ­land ein Atom­waf­fen­staat, die Ukrai­ne nicht. Das heißt zah­len­mä­ßig ist die Ukrai­ne Russ­land deut­lich unter­le­gen. Wir haben in die­sem Krieg aber auch gese­hen, dass die nack­ten Zah­len allei­ne nicht wei­ter­hel­fen, weil es gro­ße Unter­schie­de gibt - bei­spiels­wei­se in der Qua­li­tät der Armee, in dem Kamp­fes Wil­len in der Moral der Armee, des­halb ist es so schwer auch die Ergeb­nis­se vor­her­zu­sa­gen - und des­halb haben wir momen­tan die­se Patt-Situation, die sich nur sehr lang­sam zuguns­ten der Ukrai­ne wendet.

Jaja, man kennt das ja - kei­ner der Durch­brü­che ope­ra­tiv oder stra­te­gisch ver­wert­ba­rer Natur… Und vor allem -

DER KRIEG DAUERT JETZT NEUN JAHRE LÄNGER, WEIL EINE SEITE DEUTLICH MILITÄRISCH UNTERLEGEN IST! ABER MIT IHREN SPENDENDAUERT DER KRIEG HOFFENTLICH DEUTLICH KÜRZER. WEIL DIE MILITÄRISCH UNTERLEGENE SEITE DANN HOFFENTLICH SCHNELLER GEWINNT.

Ich wuss­te ja nicht, ob sies wussten…

ZEITLICH FESTLEGEN MÖCHTE ICH MICH ABER NICHT, DAHER SAGE ICH IM EINSTIEG ZEHN JAHRE.

Wie, wis­sen­schaft­lich herleiten?

Ich Clau­dia Major!

Ich nur Mei­nung! Im Kostüm!

Ich erzäh­len was ich gelernt habe von guten Freun­den in US Think­tank Sze­ne und Administration.

Ich auch nicht wis­sen was Pro­pa­gan­da ist.

Ich Pro­pa­gan­da jeden­falls ja auch nie entdecken.

Ich aber fähig bera­ten deut­sche Bun­des­re­gie­rung - immer!

Ich gern gese­he­ner Gast in deut­schem Maisch­ber­ger Idiotenfernsehen.

Ich Clau­dia Major.

Ich nix Wis­sen­schaft, nur Propaganda.

Pro­pa­gan­da hat aber immer noch nie­mand ent­deckt. Was will man machen.

Und der Rest der öffent­li­chen Erzäh­lung wird ein­fach mit VOLLKOMMENEN LÜGEN ZURECHTGEZIMMERT.

Ich wuss­te ja nicht, ob sies wuss­ten, aber - Clau­dia Major bei 27 min in, Putin (wer sonst) ist bis­her nicht von sei­nen For­de­run­gen aus dem Essay im Juli zurück­ge­stie­gen, und ver­langt ja immer noch…

Clau­dia Mayor: So lan­ge Russ­land immer noch das Exis­tenz­recht der Ukrai­ne in Fra­ge stellt [Oh wir sind von es ihr abspricht abge­kom­men! In der For­mu­lie­rung? Ist das neu?] und von den Zie­len die Putin damals in sei­nem Essay damals auf­ge­schrie­ben hat und die seit damals regel­mä­ßig wie­der wie­der­holt wor­den sind - solan­ge Russ­land davon nicht abrückt, wird jeder Waf­fen­still­stand nur eine tak­ti­sche Atem­pau­se sein.

Klei­nes Pro­blem, das Essay ent­hält kei­ne ein­zi­ge For­de­rung und nicht ein Ziel.

edit: Es sei denn man legt das hier als For­de­rung aus:

You want to estab­lish a sta­te of your own: you are wel­co­me! But what are the terms? I will recall the assess­ment given by one of the most pro­mi­nent poli­ti­cal figu­res of new Rus­sia, first mayor of Saint Peters­burg Ana­to­ly Sobchak. As a legal expert who belie­ved that every decisi­on must be legi­ti­ma­te, in 1992, he shared the fol­lowing opi­ni­on: the repu­blics that were foun­ders of the Uni­on, having denoun­ced the 1922 Uni­on Trea­ty, must return to the bounda­ries they had had befo­re joi­ning the Soviet Uni­on. All other ter­ri­to­ri­al acqui­si­ti­ons are sub­ject to dis­cus­sion, nego­tia­ti­ons, given that the ground has been revoked.

Die Kriegs­zie­le wur­den immer noch in der Kriegs­er­klä­rungs­re­de von Putin for­mu­liert. Nicht im Juli, im Jahr davor.

Der Juli Text war eine geschichts­re­vi­sio­nis­ti­sche Abhand­lung über die his­to­ri­sche Eigen­stän­dig­keit der Ukrai­ne, die ihr - his­to­risch - abge­spro­chen wur­de, noch nicht mal mit - “viel­leicht muss ich “zur Lösung des Kon­flikts” die Sepa­ra­tis­ten­ge­bie­te aner­ken­nen”. Auch das kam erst später.

Hier der Inhalt des Essays vom Juli 2021:

[…] The­re­fo­re, modern Ukrai­ne is ent­i­re­ly the pro­duct of the Soviet era. We know and remem­ber well that it was shaped – for a signi­fi­cant part – on the lands of his­to­ri­cal Rus­sia. To make sure of that, it is enough to look at the bounda­ries of the lands reu­ni­ted with the Rus­si­an sta­te in the 17th cen­tu­ry and the ter­ri­to­ry of the Ukrai­ni­an SSR when it left the Soviet Union.

[…]

Of cour­se, insi­de the USSR, bor­ders bet­ween repu­blics were never seen as sta­te bor­ders; they were nomi­nal wit­hin a sin­gle coun­try, which, while fea­turing all the attri­bu­tes of a fede­ra­ti­on, was high­ly cen­tra­li­zed – this, again, was secu­red by the CPSU’s lea­ding role. But in 1991, all tho­se ter­ri­to­ries, and, which is more important, peop­le, found them­sel­ves abroad over­night, taken away, this time inde­ed, from their his­to­ri­cal motherland.

[…]

What can be said to this? Things chan­ge: coun­tries and com­mu­nities are no excep­ti­on. Of cour­se, some part of a peop­le in the pro­cess of its deve­lo­p­ment, influ­en­ced by a num­ber of rea­sons and his­to­ri­cal cir­cum­s­tan­ces, can beco­me awa­re of its­elf as a sepa­ra­te nati­on at a cer­tain moment. How should we tre­at that? The­re is only one ans­wer: with respect!

You want to estab­lish a sta­te of your own: you are wel­co­me! But what are the terms? I will recall the assess­ment given by one of the most pro­mi­nent poli­ti­cal figu­res of new Rus­sia, first mayor of Saint Peters­burg Ana­to­ly Sobchak. As a legal expert who belie­ved that every decisi­on must be legi­ti­ma­te, in 1992, he shared the fol­lowing opi­ni­on: the repu­blics that were foun­ders of the Uni­on, having denoun­ced the 1922 Uni­on Trea­ty, must return to the bounda­ries they had had befo­re joi­ning the Soviet Uni­on. All other ter­ri­to­ri­al acqui­si­ti­ons are sub­ject to dis­cus­sion, nego­tia­ti­ons, given that the ground has been revoked.

In other words, when you lea­ve, take what you brought with you. This logic is hard to refu­te. [außer natür­lich durch ter­ri­to­ria­le Inte­gri­tät in inter­na­tio­nal aner­kann­ten Gren­zen.] I will just say that the Bols­he­viks had embar­ked on resha­ping bounda­ries even befo­re the Soviet Uni­on, mani­pu­la­ting with ter­ri­to­ries to their liking, in dis­re­gard of people’s views.

The Rus­si­an Fede­ra­ti­on reco­gni­zed the new geo­po­li­ti­cal rea­li­ties: and not only reco­gni­zed, but, inde­ed, did a lot for Ukrai­ne to estab­lish its­elf as an inde­pen­dent coun­try. Throughout the dif­fi­cult 1990’s and in the new mill­en­ni­um, we have pro­vi­ded con­si­derable sup­port to Ukrai­ne. Wha­te­ver ”poli­ti­cal arith­me­tic“ of its own Kiev may wish to app­ly, in 1991–2013, Ukraine’s bud­get savings amoun­ted to more than USD 82 bil­li­on, while today, it holds on to the mere USD 1.5 bil­li­on of Rus­si­an pay­ments for gas tran­sit to Euro­pe. If eco­no­mic ties bet­ween our coun­tries had been retai­ned, Ukrai­ne would enjoy the bene­fit of tens of bil­li­ons of dollars.

Ukrai­ne and Rus­sia have deve­lo­ped as a sin­gle eco­no­mic sys­tem over deca­des and cen­tu­ries. The pro­found coope­ra­ti­on we had 30 years ago is an examp­le for the Euro­pean Uni­on to look up to. We are natu­ral com­ple­men­ta­ry eco­no­mic part­ners. Such a clo­se rela­ti­ons­hip can streng­t­hen com­pe­ti­ti­ve advan­ta­ges, incre­a­sing the poten­ti­al of both countries.

[…]

Today, high-tech indus­tri­al giants that were once the pri­de of Ukrai­ne and the ent­i­re Uni­on, are sin­king. Engi­nee­ring out­put has drop­ped by 42 per cent over ten years. The sca­le of deindus­tria­liz­a­ti­on and over­all eco­no­mic degra­dati­on is visi­ble in Ukraine’s electri­ci­ty pro­duc­tion, which has seen a near­ly two-time decre­a­se in 30 years. Final­ly, accord­ing to IMF reports, in 2019, befo­re the coro­na­vi­rus pan­de­mic bro­ke out, Ukraine’s GDP per capi­ta had been below USD 4 thousand. This is less than in the Repu­blic of Alba­nia, the Repu­blic of Mol­d­o­va, or unre­co­gni­zed Koso­vo. Nowa­days, Ukrai­ne is Europe’s poo­rest country.

Who is to bla­me for this? Is it the peop­le of Ukraine’s fault? Cer­tain­ly not. It was the Ukrai­ni­an aut­ho­ri­ties who wais­ted and frit­te­red away the achie­ve­ments of many genera­ti­ons. We know how hard­wor­king and talen­ted the peop­le of Ukrai­ne are. They can achie­ve suc­cess and out­stan­ding results with per­se­ver­an­ce and deter­mi­na­ti­on. And the­se qua­li­ties, as well as their open­ness, inna­te opti­mism and hos­pi­ta­li­ty have not gone. The fee­lings of mil­li­ons of peop­le who tre­at Rus­sia not just well but with gre­at affec­tion, just as we feel about Ukrai­ne, remain the same.

[…]

Even after the events in Kiev of 2014, I char­ged the Rus­si­an government to ela­bo­ra­te opti­ons for pre­ser­ving and main­tai­ning our eco­no­mic ties wit­hin rele­vant minis­tries and agen­ci­es. Howe­ver, the­re was and is still no mutu­al will to do the same. Nevertheless, Rus­sia is still one of Ukraine’s top three tra­ding part­ners, and hund­reds of thousands of Ukrai­ni­ans are com­ing to us to work, and they find a wel­co­me recep­ti­on and sup­port. So that what the ”aggres­sor sta­te“ is.

When the USSR col­lap­sed, many peop­le in Rus­sia and Ukrai­ne sin­ce­rely belie­ved and assu­med that our clo­se cul­tu­ral, spi­ri­tu­al and eco­no­mic ties would cer­tain­ly last, as would the com­mo­na­li­ty of our peop­le, who had always had a sen­se of unity at their core. Howe­ver, events – at first gra­du­al­ly, and then more rapidly – star­ted to move in a dif­fe­rent direction.

[…]

In essence, Ukraine’s ruling cir­cles deci­ded to jus­ti­fy their country’s inde­pen­dence through the deni­al of its past, howe­ver, except for bor­der issu­es. They began to mytho­lo­gi­ze and rewri­te histo­ry, edit out ever­ything that united us, and refer to the peri­od when Ukrai­ne was part of the Rus­si­an Empi­re and the Soviet Uni­on as an occup­a­ti­on. The com­mon tra­ge­dy of collec­ti­viz­a­ti­on and fami­ne of the ear­ly 1930s was por­tray­ed as the geno­ci­de of the Ukrai­ni­an people.

Radi­cals and neo-Nazis were open and more and more inso­lent about their ambi­ti­ons. They were indul­ged by both the offi­cial aut­ho­ri­ties and local olig­archs, who rob­bed the peop­le of Ukrai­ne and kept their sto­len money in Wes­tern banks […] [Ich kürz das mal ab…]

Step by step, Ukrai­ne was drag­ged into a dan­ge­rous geo­po­li­ti­cal game aimed at tur­ning Ukrai­ne into a bar­ri­er bet­ween Euro­pe and Rus­sia, a spring­board against Rus­sia. Ine­vi­ta­b­ly, the­re came a time when the con­cept of ”Ukrai­ne is not Rus­sia“ was no lon­ger an opti­on. The­re was a need for the ”anti-Russia“ con­cept which we will never accept.

The owners of this pro­ject took as a basis the old ground­work of the Polish-Austrian ideo­lo­gists to crea­te an ”anti-Moscow Russia“.

[…]

Last­ly, as ear­ly as May of this year, the cur­rent pre­si­dent intro­du­ced a bill on ”indi­ge­nous peo­p­les“ to the Rada. Only tho­se who con­sti­tu­te an eth­nic mino­ri­ty and do not have their own sta­te enti­ty out­side Ukrai­ne are reco­gni­zed as indi­ge­nous. The law has been pas­sed. New seeds of dis­cord have been sown. And this is hap­pe­ning in a coun­try, as I have alrea­dy noted, that is very com­plex in terms of its ter­ri­to­ri­al, natio­nal and lin­gu­is­tic com­po­si­ti­on, and its histo­ry of formation.

The­re may be an argu­ment: if you are tal­king about a sin­gle lar­ge nati­on, a tri­u­ne nati­on, then what dif­fe­rence does it make who peop­le con­si­der them­sel­ves to be – Rus­si­ans, Ukrai­ni­ans, or Bela­ru­si­ans. I com­ple­te­ly agree with this. Espe­cial­ly sin­ce the deter­mi­na­ti­on of natio­na­li­ty, par­ti­cu­lar­ly in mixed fami­lies, is the right of every indi­vi­du­al, free to make his or her own choice.

But the fact is that the situa­ti­on in Ukrai­ne today is com­ple­te­ly dif­fe­rent becau­se it invol­ves a for­ced chan­ge of iden­ti­ty. And the most des­pi­ca­ble thing is that the Rus­si­ans in Ukrai­ne are being for­ced not only to deny their roots, genera­ti­ons of their ances­tors but also to belie­ve that Rus­sia is their enemy. It would not be an exa­g­ge­ra­ti­on to say that the path of for­ced assi­mi­la­ti­on, the for­ma­ti­on of an eth­ni­cal­ly pure Ukrai­ni­an sta­te, aggres­si­ve towards Rus­sia, is com­pa­ra­ble in its con­se­quen­ces to the use of wea­pons of mass dest­ruc­tion against us. As a result of such a har­sh and arti­fi­cial divi­si­on of Rus­si­ans and Ukrai­ni­ans, the Rus­si­an peop­le in all may decre­a­se by hund­reds of thousands or even millions.

Our spi­ri­tu­al unity has also been atta­cked. As in the days of the Grand Duchy of Lit­hua­nia, a new eccle­si­asti­cal has been initia­ted. The secu­lar aut­ho­ri­ties, making no secret of their poli­ti­cal aims, have bla­tant­ly inter­fe­red in church life and [ich kürz das mal ab …]

I think it is also natu­ral that the repre­sen­ta­ti­ves of Ukrai­ne over and over again vote against the UN Gene­ral Assem­bly reso­lu­ti­on con­dem­ning the glo­ri­fi­ca­ti­on of Nazism. Mar­ches and torch­lit pro­ces­si­ons in honor of remai­ning war cri­mi­nals from the SS units take place under the pro­tec­tion of the offi­cial aut­ho­ri­ties. Maze­pa, who betray­ed ever­yo­ne, Pet­li­ura, who paid for Polish patro­na­ge with Ukrai­ni­an lands, and Ban­de­ra, who col­la­bo­ra­ted with the Nazis, are ran­ked as natio­nal heroes.

Ever­ything is being done to era­se from the memo­ry of young genera­ti­ons the names of genui­ne patri­ots and vic­tors, who have always been the pri­de of Ukraine.

For the Ukrai­ni­ans who fought in the Red Army, in par­ti­san units, the Gre­at Patrio­tic War was inde­ed a patrio­tic war becau­se they were defen­ding their home, their gre­at com­mon Mother­land. Over two thousand sol­di­ers beca­me Heroes of the Soviet Uni­on. Among them are legen­da­ry pilot Ivan Kozhe­dub, fearless sni­per, defen­der of Odes­sa and Sevas­to­pol Lyud­mi­la Pav­li­chen­ko, [ich kürz das mal ab]

[…]

[und jetzt der gesam­te Schluss ohne edit]

The anti-Russia pro­ject has been rejec­ted by mil­li­ons of Ukrai­ni­ans. The peop­le of Cri­mea and resi­dents of Sevas­to­pol made their his­to­ric choice. And peop­le in the sou­the­ast peace­ful­ly tried to defend their stance. Yet, all of them, inclu­ding child­ren, were labe­led as sepa­ra­tists and ter­ro­rists. They were threa­tened with eth­nic clean­sing and the use of mili­ta­ry for­ce. And the resi­dents of Donetsk and Lug­ansk took up arms to defend their home, their lan­guage and their lives. Were they left any other choice after the riots that swept through the cities of Ukrai­ne, after the hor­ror and tra­ge­dy of 2 May 2014 in Odes­sa whe­re Ukrai­ni­an neo-Nazis bur­ned peop­le ali­ve making a new Kha­tyn out of it? The same mas­sa­c­re was rea­dy to be car­ri­ed out by the fol­lo­wers of Ban­de­ra in Cri­mea, Sevas­to­pol, Donetsk and Lug­ansk. Even now they do not aban­don such plans. They are biding their time. But their time will not come.

The coup d’é­tat and the sub­se­quent actions of the Kiev aut­ho­ri­ties ine­vi­ta­b­ly pro­vo­ked con­fron­ta­ti­on and civil war. The UN High Com­mis­sio­ner for Human Rights esti­ma­tes that the total num­ber of vic­tims in the con­flict in Don­bas has excee­ded 13,000. Among them are the elder­ly and child­ren. The­se are ter­ri­ble, irrepa­ra­ble losses.

Rus­sia has done ever­ything to stop frat­ri­ci­de. The Minsk agree­ments aimed at a peace­ful sett­le­ment of the con­flict in Don­bas have been con­clu­ded. I am con­vin­ced that they still have no alter­na­ti­ve. In any case, no one has with­drawn their signa­tures from the Minsk Packa­ge of Mea­su­res or from the rele­vant state­ments by the lea­ders of the Nor­man­dy for­mat coun­tries. No one has initia­ted a review of the United Nati­ons Secu­ri­ty Coun­cil reso­lu­ti­on of 17 Febru­a­ry 2015.

During offi­cial nego­tia­ti­ons, espe­cial­ly after being rei­ned in by Wes­tern part­ners, Ukraine’s repre­sen­ta­ti­ves regu­lar­ly decla­re their ”full adhe­rence“ to the Minsk agree­ments, but are in fact gui­ded by a posi­ti­on of ”unac­cep­ta­bi­li­ty“. They do not intend to serious­ly dis­cuss eit­her the spe­cial sta­tus of Don­bas or safe­guards for the peop­le living the­re. They pre­fer to explo­it the image of the ”vic­tim of exter­nal aggres­si­on“ and pedd­le Russo­pho­bia. They arran­ge bloo­dy pro­vo­ca­ti­ons in Don­bas. In short, they attract the atten­ti­on of exter­nal patrons and mas­ters by all means.

Appar­ent­ly, and I am beco­m­ing more and more con­vin­ced of this: Kiev sim­ply does not need Don­bas. Why? Becau­se, first­ly, the inha­bi­tants of the­se regi­ons will never accept the order that they have tried and are try­ing to impo­se by for­ce, blo­cka­de and thre­ats. And second­ly, the out­co­me of both Minsk‑1 and Minsk‑2 which give a real chan­ce to peace­ful­ly res­to­re the ter­ri­to­ri­al inte­gri­ty of Ukrai­ne by com­ing to an agree­ment direct­ly with the DPR and LPR with Rus­sia, Ger­ma­ny and Fran­ce as media­tors, con­tra­dicts the ent­i­re logic of the anti-Russia pro­ject. And it can only be sus­tai­ned by the con­stant cul­ti­va­ti­on of the image of an inter­nal and exter­nal enemy. And I would add – under the pro­tec­tion and con­trol of the Wes­tern powers.

This is what is actual­ly hap­pe­ning. First of all, we are facing the crea­ti­on of a cli­ma­te of fear in Ukrai­ni­an socie­ty, aggres­si­ve rhe­to­ric, indul­ging neo-Nazis and mili­ta­ri­sing the coun­try. Along with that we are wit­nessing not just com­ple­te depen­dence but direct exter­nal con­trol, inclu­ding the super­vi­si­on of the Ukrai­ni­an aut­ho­ri­ties, secu­ri­ty ser­vices and armed for­ces by for­eign advi­sers, mili­ta­ry ”deve­lo­p­ment“ of the ter­ri­to­ry of Ukrai­ne and deploy­ment of NATO infra­st­ruc­tu­re. It is no coin­ci­dence that the afo­re­men­tio­ned fla­grant law on ”indi­ge­nous peo­p­les“ was adop­ted under the cover of large-scale NATO exer­ci­ses in Ukraine.

This is also a dis­gui­se for the take­over of the rest of the Ukrai­ni­an eco­no­my and the explo­ita­ti­on of its natu­ral resour­ces. The sale of agri­cul­tu­ral land is not far off, and it is obvious who will buy it up. From time to time, Ukrai­ne is inde­ed given finan­cial resour­ces and loans, but under their own con­di­ti­ons and pur­suing their own inte­rests, with pre­fe­ren­ces and bene­fits for Wes­tern com­pa­nies. By the way, who will pay the­se debts back? Appar­ent­ly, it is assu­med that this will have to be done not only by today’s genera­ti­on of Ukrai­ni­ans but also by their child­ren, grand­child­ren and pro­bab­ly great-grandchildren.

The Wes­tern aut­hors of the anti-Russia pro­ject set up the Ukrai­ni­an poli­ti­cal sys­tem in such a way that pre­si­dents, mem­bers of par­lia­ment and minis­ters would chan­ge but the atti­tu­de of sepa­ra­ti­on from and enmi­ty with Rus­sia would remain. Reaching peace was the main elec­tion slo­gan of the incum­bent pre­si­dent. He came to power with this. The pro­mi­ses tur­ned out to be lies. Not­hing has chan­ged. And in some ways the situa­ti­on in Ukrai­ne and around Don­bas has even degenerated.

In the anti-Russia pro­ject, the­re is no place eit­her for a sov­er­eign Ukrai­ne or for the poli­ti­cal for­ces that are try­ing to defend its real inde­pen­dence. Tho­se who talk about recon­ci­lia­ti­on in Ukrai­ni­an socie­ty, about dia­lo­gue, about fin­ding a way out of the cur­rent impas­se are label­led as ”pro-Russian“ agents.

Again, for many peop­le in Ukrai­ne, the anti-Russia pro­ject is sim­ply unac­cep­ta­ble. And the­re are mil­li­ons of such peop­le. But they are not allo­wed to rai­se their heads. They have had their legal oppor­tu­ni­ty to defend their point of view in fact taken away from them. They are intimi­da­ted, dri­ven under­ground. Not only are they per­se­cu­t­ed for their con­vic­tions, for the spo­ken word, for the open expres­si­on of their posi­ti­on, but they are also kil­led. Mur­de­rers, as a rule, go unpunished.

Today, the ”right“ patri­ot of Ukrai­ne is only the one who hates Rus­sia. Moreo­ver, the ent­i­re Ukrai­ni­an state­hood, as we under­stand it, is pro­po­sed to be fur­ther built exclu­si­ve­ly on this idea. Hate and anger, as world histo­ry has repeated­ly pro­ved this, are a very shaky foun­da­ti­on for sov­er­eig­n­ty, frau­ght with many serious risks and dire consequences.

All the sub­ter­fu­ges asso­cia­ted with the anti-Russia pro­ject are clear to us. And we will never allow our his­to­ri­cal ter­ri­to­ries and peop­le clo­se to us living the­re to be used against Rus­sia. And to tho­se who will under­ta­ke such an attempt, I would like to say that this way they will des­troy their own country.

The incum­bent aut­ho­ri­ties in Ukrai­ne like to refer to Wes­tern expe­ri­ence, see­ing it as a model to fol­low. Just have a look at how Aus­tria and Ger­ma­ny, the USA and Cana­da live next to each other. Clo­se in eth­nic com­po­si­ti­on, cul­tu­re, in fact sharing one lan­guage, they remain sov­er­eign sta­tes with their own inte­rests, with their own for­eign poli­cy. But this does not pre­vent them from the clo­sest inte­gra­ti­on or allied rela­ti­ons. They have very con­di­tio­nal, trans­pa­rent bor­ders. And when cros­sing them the citi­zens feel at home. They crea­te fami­lies, stu­dy, work, do busi­ness. Inci­dent­al­ly, so do mil­li­ons of tho­se born in Ukrai­ne who now live in Rus­sia. We see them as our own clo­se people.

Rus­sia is open to dia­lo­gue with Ukrai­ne and rea­dy to dis­cuss the most com­plex issu­es. But it is important for us to under­stand that our part­ner is defen­ding its natio­nal inte­rests but not ser­ving someo­ne else’s, and is not a tool in someo­ne else’s hands to fight against us.

We respect the Ukrai­ni­an lan­guage and tra­di­ti­ons. We respect Ukrai­ni­ans’ desi­re to see their coun­try free, safe and prosperous.

I am con­fi­dent that true sov­er­eig­n­ty of Ukrai­ne is pos­si­ble only in part­ners­hip with Rus­sia. Our spi­ri­tu­al, human and civi­liz­a­tio­nal ties for­med for cen­tu­ries and have their ori­gins in the same sources, they have been har­den­ed by com­mon tri­als, achie­ve­ments and vic­to­ries. Our kin­ship has been trans­mit­ted from genera­ti­on to genera­ti­on. It is in the hearts and the memo­ry of peop­le living in modern Rus­sia and Ukrai­ne, in the blood ties that unite mil­li­ons of our fami­lies. Tog­e­ther we have always been and will be many times stron­ger and more suc­cess­ful. For we are one people.

Today, the­se words may be per­cei­ved by some peop­le with hos­ti­li­ty. They can be inter­pre­ted in many pos­si­ble ways. Yet, many peop­le will hear me. And I will say one thing – Rus­sia has never been and will never be ”anti-Ukraine“. And what Ukrai­ne will be – it is up to its citi­zens to decide.

Ver­trau­en sie nicht mir, LESEN SIES NACH.
http://en.kremlin.ru/events/president/news/66181

archive.org Link

Oder ver­trau­en sie Stan­ford CISAC die damals, vor dem Krieg, noch nicht ein­mal einen Satz gefun­den haben, der die Staat­lich­keit der Ukrai­ne HEUTE, in Fra­ge gestellt hat.

Schon Scheis­se - wenn der Stan­ford CISAC Typ damals noch 

On the rus­si­an side in july, rus­si­an pre­si­dent Vla­di­mir Putin publis­hed a leng­thy five to six thousand word essay, in which he all but denied Ukrai­ne the right to exist as a sov­er­eign inde­pen­dent state.

for­mu­liert.

Was will man machen - Clau­dia Major kennt die For­de­run­gen des Putin Texts vom Juli.

Sind aber kei­ne drinnen.

Bei 28min in:

Clau­dia Major: Aber noch mal, ich fin­de das ganz wich­tig zu sagen, solan­ge Russ­land sei­ne Zie­le nicht ver­än­dert, und das hat es nicht ver­än­dert. Es ist immer noch der Mei­nung, dass die Ukrai­ne als eigen­stän­di­ger Staat kein Exis­tenz­recht hat, und so lan­ge es -- sowohl die Regie­rung als auch die Gesell­schaft zu tiefst mili­ta­ri­siert ist, und sie auch die Fähig­kei­ten dazu haben, solan­ge sehe ich kei­ne Chan­ce auf Frie­den. Son­dern solan­ge ist, ich sage es noch­mal jeder Waf­fen­still­stand ledig­lich eine Atem­pau­se. Mei­ne sehr geschätz­te Kol­le­gin Maga­re­te Klein hat von einem Sequenz­krieg gesprochen! […]

Clau­dia Major, mei­ne Damen und Her­ren - Clau­dia Major.

Applaus.

Die­se Gesell­schaft ist ein­fach das abso­lut gro­tesk, abar­tigst Allerletzte.

Alles vol­ler Lügen.

edit: Boah, voll tol­ler Zufall eigent­lich, zdfheu­te spricht heu­te mit Clü­ver Ash­brook, was eigent­lich in den US momen­tan so abgeht… Ich hol mir schon mal den Notizblock!









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